1) His Biography
Ali Shariati, a towering intellectual and revolutionary figure in modern Iranian history, was born on 24 November 1933 in Mazinan, a small village near Mashhad, Iran. Raised in a devout and politically active family, Shariati’s father, Mohammad Taqi Shariati, was a prominent religious scholar and a staunch advocate of social reform. The younger Shariati was deeply influenced by his father’s teachings, which blended Islamic principles with modern social ideas. This early exposure to progressive religious thought laid the foundation for his later contributions as a thinker who sought to reconcile faith with modernity.
Shariati pursued higher education at the University of Mashhad, where he studied literature and sociology. It was here that his intellectual journey took a significant turn. His exposure to Western philosophy and the social sciences ignited his passion for understanding the world through both an Islamic and modernist lens. In the early 1950s, Shariati became involved in political activities, joining the National Front, a political organisation that supported Mohammad Mossadegh, the prime minister of Iran at the time. His political engagement, combined with his intellectual pursuits, would shape the trajectory of his life as an outspoken critic of imperialism and a proponent of social justice.
In 1959, Shariati travelled to France to continue his studies at the Sorbonne, where he deepened his knowledge of Western intellectual traditions. During his time in Paris, he was influenced by existentialist and Marxist thinkers, particularly Jean-Paul Sartre and Frantz Fanon. Fanon’s writings on decolonisation and the struggle for independence in the Third World resonated deeply with Shariati, further fuelling his desire to challenge both Western imperialism and the stagnant elements within Islamic thought. His exposure to revolutionary movements in Algeria and other colonised nations had a profound impact on his thinking, reinforcing his belief in the need for an ideological revolution in Iran.
Shariati returned to Iran in the mid-1960s, where he began teaching at the University of Mashhad. His lectures attracted a large following, particularly among young intellectuals and students, who were drawn to his vision of an Islam that could be a force for social and political change. Shariati was critical of both the monarchy under Mohammad Reza Shah and the traditional clerical establishment, believing that both had failed to address the social and economic problems of the Iranian people. His critique extended to what he saw as a passive form of Islam that had become disconnected from its revolutionary roots. Instead, he advocated for an Islam that was dynamic, engaged with the world, and capable of leading the oppressed toward liberation.
The publication of Shariati’s works, including “Islamology” and “What Is to Be Done?”, further solidified his reputation as a revolutionary thinker. His ideas on the role of Islam in society, the concept of ‘red Shiism’—which emphasised the revolutionary aspects of the faith—and his call for intellectual and spiritual awakening resonated with many in Iran. Shariati argued that Islam, particularly Shiism, was inherently a religion of protest against injustice, drawing parallels between the martyrdom of Imam Hussein at Karbala and the struggle against tyranny in contemporary society. His call for a return to the authentic principles of Islam, free from both Western materialism and clerical conservatism, inspired a generation of young Iranians who were disillusioned with both the monarchy and traditional religious authority.
However, Shariati’s ideas also made him a target of the Pahlavi regime. His increasing popularity and outspoken criticism of the Shah’s policies led to his arrest and imprisonment in 1973. Although he was released after eighteen months, his movements were closely monitored, and his activities were restricted. Despite this, his influence continued to grow, and his writings were widely disseminated through underground networks. Shariati’s health deteriorated during this period due to the stress of constant surveillance and harassment by the regime.
Ali Shariati died under suspicious circumstances in 1977 while in exile in England, where he had gone to escape increasing pressure from the Iranian government. His sudden death at the age of 43 was officially attributed to a heart attack, but many of his followers suspected foul play, possibly at the hands of SAVAK, the Shah’s secret police.
2) Main Works
Islamology:
Ali Shariati’s Islamology is perhaps one of his most influential works, offering a deep analysis of Islam as a comprehensive worldview. In this book, Shariati challenges both Western secularism and traditionalist Islamic thought, arguing for a reinterpretation of Islam that is socially and politically relevant to the modern world. He presents Islam not merely as a religion but as an ideology capable of mobilising the oppressed masses against injustice. Shariati critiques both colonialism and the internal decay he saw in Muslim societies, advocating for an Islam that is revolutionary and emancipatory. His work stands in contrast to many religious interpretations of the time that promoted either a conservative or apolitical stance.
Islamology also introduces Shariati’s concept of “Red Shiism,” which refers to the revolutionary aspects of Shia Islam, drawing from the martyrdom of Imam Hussein at Karbala as a symbol of resistance against oppression. He contrasts this with “Black Shiism,” a more passive and ritualistic form of the religion that he believed had become dominant in Iranian society. Shariati’s message was a call to awaken the Iranian people to their religious and political responsibilities. By reframing Islam in this way, he offered a potent ideological foundation for movements seeking to overthrow tyrannical regimes, and his ideas deeply influenced the direction of the Iranian Revolution.
What Is to Be Done?:
Taking its title from the famous work by Russian revolutionary Vladimir Lenin, What Is to Be Done? reflects Shariati’s revolutionary spirit and his desire for a cultural and political awakening in Iran. In this work, he argues that intellectuals, particularly those with knowledge of Islam, must play a pivotal role in guiding society toward social justice and liberation from oppressive regimes. Shariati saw intellectuals as the vanguard of revolution, responsible for educating and leading the masses. He was critical of both Westernised elites and the traditional clerical class, believing that both had failed to serve the needs of the people.
In What Is to Be Done?, Shariati also discusses the concept of “enlightened souls” or raushan-fekran, individuals who are tasked with breaking the chains of ignorance and bringing about political and spiritual renewal. He argued that without this awakening, society would continue to suffer under the twin pressures of Western imperialism and internal despotism. This work also addresses the need for a return to the core principles of Islam, free from the superstitions and ritualism that had come to dominate religious practice. Shariati’s call to action was both a philosophical and a political manifesto, aimed at inspiring a generation of Iranians to seek a more just and equitable society.
Hajj:
Shariati’s Hajj is a profound reflection on the pilgrimage to Mecca, one of the five pillars of Islam, but it is far more than a mere religious guidebook. For Shariati, the Hajj is a deeply symbolic act that represents the unity of the Muslim community and the struggle for liberation from worldly attachments. He interprets the various stages of the Hajj as metaphorical lessons for life, in which the individual must overcome personal and social barriers to achieve true freedom and unity with the divine. Shariati frames the Hajj as a revolutionary act, one that should inspire Muslims to rise against tyranny and oppression.
In this work, Shariati also critiques the way in which the pilgrimage had been reduced to a mere ritual by many Muslims, stripped of its deeper, revolutionary significance. For him, the Hajj was a demonstration of the equality and solidarity of all Muslims, regardless of race, class, or nationality. By participating in the pilgrimage, Muslims symbolically reject the materialistic and individualistic values of the modern world, reaffirming their commitment to social justice and collective struggle. Shariati’s Hajj remains an essential text for understanding his vision of an Islam that is both deeply spiritual and inherently revolutionary.
Fatima is Fatima:
In Fatima is Fatima, Shariati presents an inspirational portrait of Fatima, the daughter of the Prophet Muhammad, as a symbol of resistance, purity, and sacrifice. This work is particularly significant because Shariati uses Fatima’s life to offer a vision of Islamic womanhood that stands in stark contrast to the passive, subservient roles that women were often assigned in both traditional and modern societies. Fatima is portrayed as a revolutionary figure, a woman who stood up to injustice and played a crucial role in the early Islamic community. Shariati’s portrayal of Fatima is not just historical but symbolic of the struggle of all oppressed people, particularly women, in the fight against injustice.
The book also addresses the social roles and expectations placed upon women in Iran during Shariati’s time. He was critical of both Western notions of female emancipation, which he saw as shallow and materialistic, and traditional Islamic practices that confined women to domestic roles. Instead, Shariati offers Fatima as a model for an active and engaged Islamic womanhood, one that balances spirituality, political activism, and social responsibility. Fatima is Fatima has had a lasting impact on discussions about gender in Islamic thought, and Shariati’s reinterpretation of her life continues to inspire feminist and reformist movements within the Muslim world.
Red Shiism vs. Black Shiism:
Red Shiism vs. Black Shiism is one of Shariati’s most polemical and thought-provoking works, in which he contrasts two different interpretations of Shiism: one revolutionary and the other passive. “Red Shiism,” according to Shariati, is the Islam of resistance, exemplified by the martyrs of Karbala, particularly Imam Hussein, who stood against injustice and tyranny. In contrast, “Black Shiism” represents a form of Islam that has been co-opted by political and religious authorities, stripped of its revolutionary essence, and reduced to empty rituals and passive submission to power.
This work is central to Shariati’s argument that Islam, particularly Shiism, must reclaim its revolutionary roots if it is to be relevant in the modern world. He criticises the way in which religious leaders and the monarchy in Iran had used “Black Shiism” to maintain the status quo and suppress dissent. Shariati’s call for a return to “Red Shiism” was a powerful message that resonated with many Iranians, especially in the years leading up to the Iranian Revolution. His ideas contributed to a growing sense of political consciousness among the Iranian people, and his framing of Shiism as a religion of protest became one of the ideological foundations of the revolution.
3) Main Themes
Islam and Social Justice:
One of the most prominent themes in Ali Shariati’s work is the relationship between Islam and social justice. Shariati argued that Islam, particularly Shiism, was inherently a religion of protest and resistance against injustice. He believed that Islamic teachings could provide the moral and ideological foundation for a just society, particularly in the face of Western imperialism and internal despotism. Shariati’s unique contribution was his reinterpretation of Islam as a revolutionary ideology, one that calls upon its followers not only to practice their faith but to actively engage in the struggle for justice. His vision of Islam was deeply rooted in the principles of equality, community, and resistance to oppression.
He drew heavily from existentialist thought, particularly from thinkers like Jean-Paul Sartre, to argue that individuals must take personal responsibility for both their spiritual and social condition. Shariati believed that true faith could only be expressed through action and that Muslims had a duty to challenge unjust social systems, whether they were imposed by external forces or internal corruption. In this way, he brought a dynamic and activist perspective to Islam, diverging from traditional clerical interpretations that often promoted submission to political authority.
A comparison can be made between Shariati’s vision and the liberation theology movements that emerged in Latin America around the same time. Like Shariati, thinkers such as Gustavo Gutiérrez sought to reinterpret Christianity as a force for social justice and the liberation of the oppressed. Both movements saw religion as not only a spiritual path but as a call to political action. However, while liberation theology often aligned with socialist ideals, Shariati was critical of Western ideologies, including Marxism, which he saw as materialistic and lacking in spiritual depth. His contribution lay in his ability to integrate Islamic thought with modern revolutionary theory, offering a unique alternative to both Western political systems and traditional religious orthodoxy.
The Role of the Intellectual in Society:
Shariati placed a significant emphasis on the role of the intellectual in society, particularly in guiding the masses toward social and political awakening. For him, intellectuals held a responsibility to lead, educate, and inspire the oppressed, helping them to recognise their own power and potential for change. This idea is central to many of Shariati’s works, where he repeatedly criticises both the Westernised elites and the traditional clerical establishment for failing to fulfil this role. Shariati’s intellectuals, whom he referred to as raushan-fekran (enlightened souls), were meant to act as the vanguard of the revolution, bridging the gap between the ideological and the practical.
Unlike many Western-educated elites who embraced secular ideologies, Shariati insisted that intellectuals must draw upon the rich traditions of Islam to inspire social change. He saw Islam not as a relic of the past but as a living, evolving force that could address the pressing issues of modernity. In this way, Shariati sought to forge a new type of intellectual—one who was both modern and deeply rooted in Islamic values. This stance set him apart from many other postcolonial thinkers, who often rejected religion as a tool of oppression.
In comparing Shariati’s conception of the intellectual to Antonio Gramsci’s notion of the “organic intellectual,” there are both similarities and differences. Like Gramsci, Shariati saw intellectuals as playing a crucial role in shaping social consciousness and guiding the masses. However, while Gramsci’s intellectuals were often linked to specific classes or political movements, Shariati’s intellectuals were more closely tied to spiritual and moral leadership. Shariati’s original contribution lies in his fusion of intellectual responsibility with Islamic ideals, creating a model of leadership that is both politically radical and religiously grounded.
Islamic Unity and the Concept of Ummah:
The theme of Islamic unity, or the ummah, is central to Shariati’s thought, and it permeates much of his work. Shariati saw the concept of the ummah—the global community of Muslims—as a powerful tool for social and political mobilisation. He believed that the fragmentation of the Muslim world, exacerbated by colonialism, nationalism, and sectarianism, was one of the primary barriers to achieving justice and liberation. Shariati’s original contribution in this area was his insistence that the ummah should be viewed not only as a religious community but also as a political one, united in its resistance against oppression and its pursuit of social justice.
An important aspect of Shariati’s vision of unity was his rejection of both Western imperialism and local despotism. He believed that the Muslim world needed to transcend narrow national identities and sectarian divisions to form a united front against external domination. This idea resonates with pan-Islamism, a movement that seeks to unite Muslims under a single political or cultural entity. However, Shariati’s concept was more dynamic and revolutionary, focusing on the ummah as an active force for change rather than simply a passive collective identity. He viewed the struggle of the oppressed as a universal Islamic mission, one that connected the struggles of Muslims in Iran with those in Palestine, Algeria, and beyond.
Shariati’s ideas can be contrasted with the pan-Arabism of figures like Gamal Abdel Nasser, who sought to unite Arab nations based on a shared language and culture. While both Shariati and Nasser aimed at solidarity in the face of imperialism, Shariati’s focus on Islam provided a broader, more inclusive framework. His contribution lies in his ability to articulate a vision of unity that transcended ethnic and national boundaries, making the ummah a revolutionary concept that could inspire Muslims globally to challenge their oppressors.
Martyrdom and Revolution:
The theme of martyrdom is one of the most distinctive elements of Shariati’s thought, particularly as it relates to revolution. He drew heavily on the narrative of Imam Hussein’s martyrdom at Karbala, framing it as the ultimate symbol of resistance against tyranny. For Shariati, the story of Karbala was not just a historical event but an enduring metaphor for the struggle against injustice. Martyrdom, in this context, became a revolutionary act, a way for the oppressed to assert their dignity and challenge the status quo. Shariati’s focus on martyrdom as a political tool was a key aspect of his effort to reinterpret Islam as a revolutionary ideology.
One of the most significant aspects of this theme is Shariati’s emphasis on martyrdom as a form of resistance that transcends time and place. He argued that the willingness to sacrifice oneself for a just cause was not limited to the specific context of Karbala but was a universal principle that could inspire resistance movements in any era. This idea had a profound influence on the Iranian Revolution, where the imagery and symbolism of Karbala were used to mobilise the masses against the Shah’s regime. Shariati’s contribution here was his ability to take a religious concept and reframe it as a powerful tool for political mobilisation.
Shariati’s interpretation of martyrdom can be compared to other revolutionary figures who used the concept of sacrifice to inspire political action. Frantz Fanon, for example, spoke of the “cleansing violence” of revolution as a necessary means of overcoming colonial oppression. While Fanon’s approach was more secular, both he and Shariati saw the act of sacrifice as essential to the process of liberation. Shariati’s unique contribution was his ability to tie this concept so deeply to Islamic tradition, creating a framework in which religious martyrdom and political revolution were inextricably linked.
Anti-Colonialism and Western Critique:
Shariati was a fierce critic of Western colonialism and its effects on the Muslim world, a theme that runs through much of his writing. He saw Western imperialism not just as a political and economic force but as a cultural and intellectual invasion that had weakened the Islamic world’s sense of identity and autonomy. Shariati’s anti-colonial stance was deeply rooted in his belief that the Muslim world needed to return to its own intellectual and spiritual heritage in order to resist Western domination. He viewed colonialism as a form of dehumanisation, stripping colonised peoples of their dignity and self-determination.
One important aspect of Shariati’s critique of the West was his rejection of both Western materialism and Western intellectual paradigms. While he admired certain aspects of Western thought, particularly existentialism, he was deeply critical of what he saw as the West’s emphasis on individualism and consumerism. Shariati argued that these values were antithetical to the communal and spiritual principles of Islam, and he warned against the wholesale adoption of Western lifestyles and ideologies. Instead, he called for a synthesis of modernity and Islamic values, one that could offer a more humane and just alternative to Western capitalism and Soviet socialism.
Shariati’s critique can be compared to other anti-colonial thinkers such as Frantz Fanon and Edward Said. Like Fanon, Shariati saw colonialism as a form of psychological and cultural domination, and like Said, he was concerned with the way in which Western orientalism had distorted the image of the Muslim world. However, Shariati’s original contribution lay in his ability to frame his critique within an Islamic context, offering a path of resistance that was both political and spiritual. His vision of an Islamic renaissance as a means of overcoming colonialism remains one of the most distinctive aspects of his intellectual legacy.
4) Shariati as Revolutionary
Ali Shariati’s identity as a revolutionary thinker is one of the defining features of his intellectual and political legacy. His revolutionary spirit was not confined merely to political activism but deeply intertwined with his interpretation of Islam, culture, and social justice. Shariati saw revolution as a transformative process, not only for the political landscape but for the human soul and society as a whole. His call for revolution was not limited to Iran but had a global perspective, envisioning the possibility of change across the Muslim world and beyond. Shariati’s revolutionary thought can be traced to his desire to awaken the masses, challenge the status quo, and break free from both internal and external forms of oppression.
One of the fundamental elements of Shariati’s revolutionary ideology was his critique of the existing political and religious structures in Iran. He was deeply critical of the monarchy under the Shah, which he saw as a puppet of Western imperialism. At the same time, he criticised the traditional clergy, which he believed had become complicit in the oppression of the people by aligning itself with the ruling class. For Shariati, the revolution required not only the overthrow of political despotism but also the reformation of religious institutions. He sought to return Islam to its revolutionary roots, invoking the early Islamic community under the Prophet Muhammad as a model for social justice and political equality.
A key aspect of Shariati’s revolutionary thought was his emphasis on the concept of the intizar (expectation) in Shiism, particularly the expectation of the return of the Mahdi, the messianic figure in Shia belief. Shariati reinterpreted this concept as a call to action rather than passive waiting. He argued that Muslims should not wait for divine intervention but take responsibility for creating the conditions for justice and righteousness. This reinterpretation had profound implications for the political activism of Shariati’s followers, particularly during the lead-up to the Iranian Revolution of 1979. His call to revolutionary action was both religious and political, blending faith with a drive for societal transformation.
Shariati’s revolutionary ideas also drew heavily from modern existentialist and Marxist thought, though he remained critical of both ideologies. He borrowed from Jean-Paul Sartre’s existentialist idea of personal responsibility and freedom, using it to argue that individuals must actively participate in their own liberation. Similarly, he adopted elements of Marxist theory, particularly its focus on class struggle and the critique of capitalist exploitation. However, Shariati’s revolution was distinct from Marxism in that it was deeply rooted in Islamic values and a spiritual understanding of human existence. He rejected the materialism of Marxism and argued that a truly just society could not be built on economic equality alone but required spiritual and moral transformation as well.
A unique contribution of Shariati’s revolutionary thought was his reinterpretation of the concept of shahadat (martyrdom). He presented the martyrdom of figures like Imam Hussein as a revolutionary act, a symbol of resistance against tyranny. Shariati’s focus on martyrdom as a political tool was revolutionary in itself, as it inspired a new generation of political activists in Iran and elsewhere in the Muslim world. For Shariati, martyrdom was not an act of despair but a conscious choice to stand against oppression, even at the cost of one’s life. This concept became central to the mobilisation of the Iranian masses during the revolution, where the imagery of Karbala was used to galvanise popular resistance against the Shah.
In a broader sense, Shariati’s revolutionary ideology can be seen as part of a larger global trend of anti-colonial and post-colonial movements during the mid-20th century. His ideas echoed the revolutionary thoughts of leaders like Frantz Fanon, Che Guevara, and Mahatma Gandhi, all of whom sought to challenge Western imperialism and promote liberation for oppressed peoples. However, Shariati’s revolution was distinct in its Islamic foundation. While Fanon’s revolution was based on anti-colonialism and the psychological liberation of the colonised, and Guevara’s on socialist ideals, Shariati’s revolution was grounded in the belief that true liberation could only come through an Islamic awakening. He saw Islam not as a tool for preserving tradition but as a means of social and political transformation.
Another crucial element of Shariati’s revolutionary vision was his focus on the concept of alienation. He argued that both colonialism and modernity had alienated Muslims from their cultural and spiritual roots. This alienation, he believed, was not just a result of Western domination but also of the internalisation of Western values by the elites in Muslim societies. Shariati called for a revolution of consciousness, where Muslims would rediscover their own identity and reject the materialistic and individualistic culture of the West. This idea of cultural decolonisation was revolutionary in its own right, as it called for a profound rethinking of the relationship between tradition, modernity, and identity.
Shariati’s revolutionary thought ultimately transcended the confines of Iran and had a lasting impact on other movements across the Muslim world. His ideas inspired not only the leaders of the Iranian Revolution but also thinkers and activists in countries such as Lebanon, Egypt, and Algeria, who were similarly grappling with questions of identity, colonialism, and political oppression. His vision of an Islamic revolution as a path to both spiritual and social liberation continues to resonate with contemporary movements that seek to combine religious ideals with political activism.
5) His Legacy
Ali Shariati’s legacy is multifaceted, deeply influential in Iran and the broader Muslim world, extending into fields such as political theory, religious reform, sociology, and intellectual activism. His work not only contributed significantly to the ideological foundation of the Iranian Revolution but also left a lasting imprint on Islamic thought and global revolutionary movements. Shariati’s ideas about the role of Islam in society, the nature of oppression, and the responsibilities of intellectuals continue to shape discourse in various parts of the world, making his legacy one of enduring relevance.
One of the most direct and visible aspects of Shariati’s legacy is his influence on the Iranian Revolution of 1979. While he did not live to see the overthrow of the Shah, his writings and speeches were instrumental in mobilising a generation of Iranians who were disillusioned with both the monarchy and the traditional religious establishment. Shariati’s call for a return to the revolutionary spirit of early Islam, his criticism of Western imperialism, and his vision of an Islamic society based on justice and equality resonated deeply with those who sought an alternative to the authoritarian rule of the Shah. His intellectual contributions helped lay the groundwork for the revolution, even though the post-revolutionary government ultimately took a different direction from Shariati’s vision of a democratic and egalitarian Islamic society.
Shariati’s legacy also lies in his reinterpretation of Islam as a force for social change. He challenged the prevailing notion of Islam as a conservative, apolitical religion and redefined it as a revolutionary ideology. By reinterpreting key Islamic concepts such as tawhid (the oneness of God), shahadat (martyrdom), and intizar (expectation of the Mahdi), he gave these religious ideas new political and social dimensions. His emphasis on the social justice aspects of Islam inspired movements not only in Iran but throughout the Muslim world. For many activists, Shariati’s thought provided a framework for combining Islamic principles with a critique of both colonialism and modern forms of oppression. His works continue to be read by those interested in using Islam as a platform for resistance and change.
A significant part of Shariati’s legacy is his impact on the role of intellectuals in society. He emphasised the idea of the raushanfikr (enlightened intellectual), a figure who was not just a critic of society but also a guide for social and political transformation. Shariati believed that intellectuals had a moral responsibility to awaken the masses and lead them in the fight against oppression. This idea resonated strongly with the student movements and young intellectuals of his time, and it continues to influence how intellectuals in the Muslim world view their role. Shariati’s legacy in this regard is one of engagement, where intellectuals are seen as active participants in the struggle for justice, rather than detached observers.
Shariati’s influence is not confined to Iran or even to the Shia Muslim world. His works have been translated into many languages, and his ideas have been taken up by thinkers and activists across the globe. In countries such as Lebanon, Egypt, and Algeria, Shariati’s thought has inspired Islamic activists who are grappling with questions of modernity, identity, and political sovereignty. His ideas about the decolonisation of the Muslim mind and the importance of cultural authenticity continue to resonate with movements that seek to challenge both Western hegemony and authoritarian regimes in the Muslim world. Shariati’s work provides a model for how Islamic thought can be integrated with revolutionary political action, making him a key figure in global Islamic political thought.
Another important aspect of Shariati’s legacy is his contribution to Islamic feminism. While Shariati himself was not explicitly a feminist, his ideas about the role of women in society have had a profound impact on discussions of gender in Islamic thought. He advocated for the liberation of women from traditional patriarchal structures, arguing that Islam, when properly understood, offers a model of gender equality. Shariati’s reinterpretation of historical figures like Fatima Zahra and Zaynab, as symbols of resistance and moral courage, provided Islamic feminists with new frameworks for thinking about women’s roles in both religious and social contexts. His work remains a touchstone for those who seek to reconcile Islamic values with the struggle for gender justice.
Shariati’s legacy also endures in the realm of education. He placed great emphasis on the role of education in shaping the consciousness of individuals and transforming society. His own teaching methods, which combined Islamic teachings with modern sociology, philosophy, and revolutionary thought, were aimed at creating a new generation of Muslims who were both intellectually engaged and committed to social justice. Shariati’s vision of education as a tool for liberation continues to influence educational movements within the Muslim world. Many Islamic universities and intellectual circles still reference his works as foundational texts for understanding the intersection of Islam and modernity.
However, Shariati’s legacy is not without controversy. Some have criticised his thought as being too idealistic and not sufficiently grounded in practical politics. While his ideas were influential in the lead-up to the Iranian Revolution, the post-revolutionary Islamic Republic did not fully embrace his vision of a democratic and egalitarian Islamic society. The clerical establishment that came to power after 1979 was, in many ways, opposed to the kind of religious and political reforms that Shariati had advocated. His vision of an Islamic society led by intellectuals rather than clerics was sidelined, and this has led to debates about the limits of his revolutionary thought in practice. Despite this, his ideas continue to inspire debate and reflection among those seeking to balance Islam with modern political and social ideals.